Who kept Dalits away from education?

 
The British spread the idea that before their arrival, women and Shudras in India had no right to education. Even after independence, British-influenced governments continued this propaganda. The aim was clear: divide society and rule. But truth cannot remain hidden. Today, with the help of AI and old references, the reality comes to light. Let us begin from the Vedic age—did Shudras have the right to education then?
 
शूद्रोऽपि विद्वान् भवति यद्यपि शूद्रजातः ।
विद्या हि सर्वं विश्वस्य संनादति ॥ (अथर्ववेद १९.६२.१)
 
A Shudra, though born as a Shudra, can become learned, for knowledge resounds throughout the universe and is available to all.
 
The Vedas themselves prove that Shudras and non-Aryans had full rights to education.

• ऋग्वेद ९.११२.३: “ब्रह्मराजन्याभ्यां शूद्राय चार्याय च स्वायचारणाय च” — Vedic knowledge is for Brahmins, Kshatriyas, Shudras, and non-Aryans alike.

• ऋग्वेद १०.५३.४: “यद् विश्वा अश्विना… शूद्राय वा ददथुरार्याय वा” — The Ashvins gave knowledge equally to Shudras and Aryans.

• अथर्ववेद १९.६२.१: “शूद्रोऽपि विद्वान् भवति… विद्या हि सर्वं विश्वं संनादति” — Even a Shudra can become wise; knowledge is universal.

• यजुर्वेद (वाजसनेयी संहिता २६.२): “शूद्राय च परं ब्रह्म दत्तं भवति” — Shudras too can attain the supreme knowledge of Brahman.

 
Clearly, in the Vedic age, varna was determined not by birth but by learning and deeds. Shudras and non-Aryans participated equally in Vedic study, sacrifices, warfare, medicine, and leadership.
Varna by Knowledge, not Birth
 
शूद्रो ब्राह्मणतामेति ब्राह्मणश्चैति शूद्रताम् ।
क्षत्रियात् जातमेवं तु विद्वत्त्वात् सागरादयः ॥ (महाभारत अनुशासनपर्व १४३.४९-५०)
 
A Shudra can become a Brahmin, and a Brahmin can become a Shudra. A Kshatriya too, by acquiring wisdom, can attain Brahminhood. Vyasa, the author of the Mahabharata, himself born of mixed lineage, fathered Dhritarashtra and Pandu. His son Shukadeva attained Brahminhood through Vedic study and self-realization.
 
जन्मना जायते शूद्रः संस्कारात् द्विज उच्यते ।
वेदपठात् भवेत् विप्रः ब्रह्म जानाति ब्राह्मणः ॥ (मनुस्मृति १०.४)
 
By birth all are Shudras. Through samskara one becomes a dvija (twice-born). By Vedic study one becomes a scholar (vipra). By knowing Brahman, one becomes a Brahmin.
 
Thus, birth did not decide varna; education and spiritual realization did. Examples abound: Valmiki (Shudra by birth, yet author of the Ramayana), Vishvamitra (who became a Brahmarshi), Jabali, Satyakama, and Vyasa—all born of lower or mixed origins, yet attaining Brahminhood through knowledge.
 
Education also enabled Shudras to become rulers: Chandragupta Maurya, son of a maidservant, studied at Takshashila under Chanakya and founded the Mauryan Empire. Ajatashatru, son of a maid, became king of Magadha. Mahapadma Nanda, of Shudra origin, expanded the Nanda Empire. Pushyamitra Shunga, of humble birth, founded the Shunga dynasty. Divya, a fisherman, became king of Avanti. These examples prove that in ancient India, kingship and status came not by birth but by knowledge and deeds.
 
Just as Shudras had access to learning, women too were honored seekers of knowledge. The Vedic tradition recognized Sadyovadhu (studying before marriage) and Brahmavadini (lifelong learners). Women studied the Vedas along with music, arts, and martial skills. Rigveda and Upanishads mention scholars like Gargi, Maitreyi, Lopamudra, Apala. Gargi challenged Yajnavalkya in debate, while Maitreyi questioned him on immortality, showing their intellectual depth. Vedic texts also affirm daughters as equal heirs and encourage women in politics and warfare. Thus, women were respected as philosophers, teachers, and leaders shaping India’s knowledge tradition.
 
 
From the Vedic age until the Mughal period (1526 CE), India had a rich educational tradition. Great universities like Takshashila, Nalanda, Vikramashila, Vallabhi, Odantapuri, Jagaddala, Kashi, Ujjain, Mithila, Kanchipuram, and Sringeri flourished, along with hundreds of thousands of smaller gurukuls.
 
By the 18th century, there were over 600,000 gurukuls, with Shudras and Dalits forming the majority (75–80%). Gurukuls taught not only Vedas and philosophy but also mathematics, astronomy, medicine, arts, and 72 crafts—blacksmithing, weaving, carpentry, pottery, painting, architecture, metallurgy, ivory work, gem cutting, musical instruments, agricultural tools, and shipbuilding. This made villages self-reliant.
 
British surveys (William Adam, 1835–38 in Bengal-Bihar; G.W. Leitner, 1882 in Punjab) and Dharampal’s The Beautiful Tree (1983) confirm that nearly every village had a school, with Shudras forming most students.
 
But after 1857, the British crushed the gurukul system. Macaulay’s English-based education replaced it. Kings and landlords stopped supporting village schools. The British opened few schools in villages, focusing only on producing clerks.
 
By 1901, only 97,000 schools remained (down from 600,000 gurukuls). Literacy fell to 5.3% overall (men 9.8%, women 0.7%). Shudra-Dalit literacy collapsed from 70–80% to barely 1–2%. In Bengal, Brahmin literacy was 467 per 1,000 men, but Shudras like Chamars, Mahars, Gonds, and Kolis had only 8–54 per 1,000. Dalits were at 8 per 1,000.
 
Thus, within 50 years, Macaulay’s system made the majority illiterate. Brahmins, already urban and engaged in study, adapted easily to English education and gained government jobs. Shudras and Dalits, left in villages, became illiterate.
 
Conclusion

Macaulay’s policy benefited the upper castes but destroyed Shudra-Dalit education. The closure of gurukuls and the urban-English schooling system excluded the majority. The truth is: it was the British education system that deprived Shudras of learning.
 
Today, with schools in every village, and with reservations, scholarships, and social reforms, Dalits and girls are once again entering education in large numbers.
 

A School Experiment: Do Exit Polls Fail?

 

 

Nowadays, during my morning walks, a circle of seniors like us gathers in the park. While discussing the Bengal election surveys, everyone was of one opinion—most exit polls fail.

One of us was a schoolteacher. He said, "I once conducted an experiment in class to explain why exit polls fail." When the Haryana election results turned out to be the opposite of the exit poll predictions, the students had questioned it. The teacher decided to give them a live demonstration.

The Experiment: There were 42 students sitting in four rows. The teacher called two students forward. One was asked to create a table on the blackboard with headings: 'Exit Poll', 'Election Result', 'Party A', and 'Party B'. The second student prepared 40 ballot papers from sheets provided by the teacher. The students recorded their votes, folded them, and handed them to the teacher.

The teacher then asked a student to pick 10 ballots at random—this was the 'Exit Poll'. This sample represented a significant 20% of the total votes. A student opened these ballots and wrote the figures on the board: 4 votes for 'A' and 6 votes for 'B'. According to the exit poll, 'Party B' was going to win with a two-thirds majority.

The Shocking Reality: Then, all the ballots were counted. The actual result was shocking: 'Party A' received 22 votes (55%) and 'Party B' received 18 votes (45%). Despite a massive 20% sample size, the exit poll was completely wrong!

The Takeaway: Now think about this—most states in our country have crores of voters (often exceeding 50 million). If an exit poll agency collects data from 50,000 to 200,000 voters, it amounts to less than a quarter of a percent (0.25%) of the total turnout. No matter how scientific the data collection is, the probability of an exit poll being accurate on such a tiny sample is negligible.

In reality, exit poll agencies merely try to gauge the 'vibe' and make guesses based on that. You might as well call them 'astrologers reading horoscopes'! The students were satisfied. They realized that exit polls are merely a form of entertainment. Occasionally, an agency's prediction might come true by sheer coincidence, but beyond that, it holds no real significance.